Children and the Changing Family: Between Transformation and Negotiation (The Future of Childhood)

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Then can I have a friend over?

Negotiating with Kids: When You Should and Shouldn’t

The above situation is a classic example of a child negotiating around her parent to get her way. You stood in the way of her plans, so she figured out how to work around you. She wore you down until you agreed, just to stop the arguing.

So what does it look like to negotiate with your child? Say you are discussing how much allowance is going to be paid for chores your son will do around the house. Together, you are coming to an agreement about a fair decision or compromise. Here five steps you can take now to be more effective:.

As parents we come away feeling frustrated and ineffective. It also creates the mistaken impression that parents and children are on the same level. A parent has the ultimate authority and sometimes the answer is going to be No. Subscribe to the Empowering Parents Podcast via Stitcher.

Since when did obedience become the epitome of good parenting?

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We cannot diagnose disorders or offer recommendations on which treatment plan is best for your family. It builds better contact, a lot of positives … the children are happy, they smile and so on. I think that if parents want what is best for their children …. What parents want their children to be sad and sorry and so on? Maybe if you are a bit nuts. But if you think in a right way, then you want your children to smile every day. They should laugh. You can talk together and have good contact and so on. Similar to Hannah, Beth expressed that her encounters with CWS provided her with important information and skills.

The narrative theme draws our attention to parents' experience of contact with CWS as empowering. Refugee parents face complex challenges in exile, for example, adjusting to new norms and expectations, dealing with loss and trauma, learning a new language, and facing discrimination. CWS can support parents in this process and provide the contextual knowledge that parents need to position themselves within a legitimate parenting discourse. In this perspective, the analytical theme learning to parent uncovers structural arrangements within CWS that enable parents' participation. Hannah and Beth's accounts also reflect how different ideas of parenting are negotiated within the CWS context.

We argue that learning to parent, as described by our informants, referred to acquiring skills in line with the concept of Lee et al. A hierarchy of knowledge with a right way of caring for children expert led, child centred, and dialogue based as opposed to the negative ways of the homeland tacit, insensitive, and authoritarian was construed. A second narrative theme, contesting expert knowledge, relates to parents' accounts of questioning and resisting Norwegian parenting norms. For example, Paul expressed that CWS were critical of his parenting methods; he was too controlling of his daughter and was advised to give her more freedom of choice, for example, about her clothing.

He elaborated his views by saying the following: P: In [my homeland], we don't have child welfare services, but the children are very polite. This is because the child knows if I do this or that, I will be punished. So, the child has limits. But that does not mean you don't love your child. You love your child, but you have to discipline him. Give a direction. Then you destroy the child because the child does not know anything. It is the parent who is responsible for educating the child. But, first, you have to get to know the child.

My child, what is he? Is he a technician? As in Hannah and Beth's accounts, a hierarchy of knowledge was constructed positioning Paul to be deficient as a father.

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We also found that the topic of contesting expert knowledge was salient in Angelica's account. Before migrating to Norway, she had been the caregiver of several children.

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CWS, however, were concerned that she was physically disciplining her child. Her child was placed in care for some time, and she was offered parent counselling when they were reconciled. So, I went to counselling, right. So, I worked with them even though I did not want to go there. And then I was there, and I have my competencies. I have my experience. I know what I know, right? And to sit with people who don't know me …. Sit with people who have another cultural view and way of doing things, right? And she tells me? Someone who has raised a lot of children? And you have only one child that is yours, just one that you are concerned with.

Not others. You don't care about others. So what can I actually learn from you? Just finished high school, just finished college, right? They have the papers and theories.

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But me, I have no papers. I have no theory. I don't know the language. I have lived a [number of] years, and I have a lot of experience with children, with people, with all kinds of things. Angelica expressed that she attended counselling to show CWS that she was willing to be helped. Angelica's knowledge based on her age, experience, and cultural views was not valued by caseworkers.

Parents who do not feel resonance with these value structures feel devalued and misrecognized, marginalized as participants. A third narrative theme, learning to be a client, relates to informants' negotiation of institutional norms. He contacted a friend who had lived in Norway for several years and who had some experience from working for CWS.

He's my real friend.

Defining strengths-based approaches for children and young people and their families

Why are you afraid? You have a … you are a parent, don't [be afraid]. The importance of learning how to behave in a trustworthy fashion was also a topic in Beth's narrative. Beth expressed that she was initially frustrated with her contact with CWS; caseworkers defined her as a bad mother regardless of what she said or did to prove otherwise. Because where I come from, if you speak honestly you should express that. You can't talk about things that are emotional if you talk like this displaying a serious, motionless facial expression , like you don't show emotions. B: Yes. But, you don't do that in Norway.

Whatever pain you are feeling, you must be calm when you explain it. Don't express pain or anger for what has happened to you. You have to be calm. If you show [caseworkers] that you are angry, you are crazy. In both Beth and Abdi's narratives, certain norms regarding how a good client should behave in the CWS context were construed keeping calm, not displaying emotions, and being in control.

Abdi expressed that his friend's advice about how to behave helped him position himself as a good father. On the one hand, these narratives reflect Norwegian cultural norms of conduct within the CWS context. On the other hand, a body of research has shown how the bureaucratic context shapes client—social workers interactions Egelund, ; Evans, Within a frame of economic scarcity, social workers are expected to realize complex and often contradictory aims.

The fourth narrative theme, constructing CWS deficiency, relates to the parents' accounts of questioning the practices and interventions of CWS. We found that this theme was salient in Simon's narrative. Simon stated that he did not know the system and therefore did not know how to convince CWS of his fatherhood.

S: Because they were the ones who took the child, they should have given me the necessary information. They placed [my daughter] there, but she sensed that it took a long time, too many appointments. She was the one who advised me. She started advising me and [the caseworkers]. She said that if you want things to progress, you have to take a DNA test.